On the afternoon of October 7, as kibbutzim in southern Israel were still burning and the IDF was struggling to regain control, protesters were already taking to the streets of major Western cities to accuse Israel. Of what, exactly, was not yet clear. At that stage, Israel was fighting to clear its territory of Hamas terrorists. Nevertheless, there was already an instinctive rush to blame Israel, and it revealed what would follow.
Within weeks, Israel – the victim – was being accused of disproportionate force, and eventually was accused of committing genocide in Gaza.
That reality is worth revisiting now, in light of the war with Iran, where the international response has been markedly different.
Part of the reason is rooted in history.
While Hamas launched a brutal invasion on October 7, the prevailing global perception of Israel was as an occupying power that had oppressed Palestinians for decades. Even those horrified by Hamas’s atrocities had to filter their reactions through that lens.
With Iran, the context is fundamentally different. Even critics of the current war – whether driven by opposition to US President Donald Trump, skepticism about the claim that the threat was imminent, or general hostility toward Israel – understand that Iran is not Hamas. It is a state actor that has long played a destabilizing role – it is the greatest state sponsor of terrorism, pursues nuclear capabilities, and threatens global security. That recognition has shaped a more restrained and, in some cases, more supportive international response.
But context alone does not explain everything. There is also the way this war is being fought.
While I have argued over the past two years that the war in Gaza was the most precise military operation in modern history, what we have witnessed over the last four weeks may have surpassed it. At the very least, it stands as the most precise aerial campaign ever conducted.
According to CENTCOM, roughly 10,000 targets have been struck since the war with Iran began. The IDF has spoken of approximately 15,000 munitions dropped over a matter of weeks. And yet, despite this scale of firepower, the Iranian regime itself – hardly a credible source – reports around 1,500 fatalities.
That figure should be treated with caution. But even if only partially accurate, it is strikingly low relative to the volume of strikes. Civilian casualties have occurred, as they inevitably do in war. But the ratio tells a clear story: an extraordinary level of precision by both Israel and the United States.
And that precision matters for the simple reason that the way a war is fought, directly shapes the legitimacy a country has to continue fighting it.
At the outset of this conflict, Israel enjoyed a higher degree of legitimacy than it did after October 7. That was due to the nature of the Iranian threat, but also because of the visible partnership with the United States. That legitimacy is a strategic asset. It is what enables Israel to operate, to sustain the campaign, and to maintain the support of key allies.
We need to remember, though, that legitimacy can be lost. We saw that happen in Gaza and how, once support eroded, Israel’s operational freedom was limited.
Which is why what is happening now inside Israel is so deeply troubling. Because for once, it is not external delegitimization that poses the greatest threat. It is internal behavior.
Jewish violence in the West Bank shows a moral failure
The ongoing violence in the West Bank, carried out by a small but dangerous group of Jewish extremists against Palestinians, is not just a moral failure. It is a strategic mistake of the highest order.
I have long been uncomfortable with the term “settler violence” and see it is a broad and often unfair generalization that negatively paints an entire community of approximately 500,000 law-abiding citizens. But rejecting the term does not mean ignoring the phenomenon.
What we have been seeing in recent days – attacks in dozens of locations, often coordinated, often repeated – is an abomination. These acts are anti-Jewish in their essence. They betray the values on which Israel was founded and undermine what it means to be a democratic state governed by the rule of law.
They must be stopped – decisively, forcefully, and without hesitation.
And yet, they are not.
The reason is not a lack of intelligence or operational capability. The individuals involved are, in many cases, known to authorities and are a loose collection of several hundred youth, some from within settlements, others from outside, who are motivated by a mix of ideology, incitement, and fringe rabbinical influence.
The reason they are not being stopped is political. They benefit from the backing – ideological and, at times, practical – of figures within the government, most notably National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir. That support translates into a lack of enforcement and a failure to use the tools available to the police and the IDF.
What we are learning now, though, is that this failure of governance carries consequences far beyond the West Bank. Because beyond the moral rot, this violence is also a strategic liability.
Israel is currently engaged in a high-stakes war against Iran. It has a rare opportunity to build and sustain a broad international coalition – from Washington to European capitals to key states in the Gulf. That coalition is not guaranteed and will depend on continued alignment of interests, but also on perception.
When images of Jewish extremists attacking Palestinians circulate globally, they erode that perception. They hand ammunition to Israel’s critics and complicate efforts to defend Israel on the international stage.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu understands this. His visit to IDF Central Command last week was a recognition that this issue, if left unchecked, could undermine the broader war effort. The reported phone call with US Vice President JD Vance earlier this week, in which Netanyahu was pressed on the issue, is further evidence of how seriously this is being viewed in Washington.
Stopping this violence should be a priority first and foremost because it is criminal and morally indefensible. But even for those who need a more pragmatic argument, the case is clear: this is a national security threat.
Israel cannot afford to fight a war abroad while allowing a violent fringe to sabotage its legitimacy from within. Wars are not won only on the battlefield. They are also won – or lost – in the arena of perception, legitimacy, and alliances. And on that front, Israel today faces a danger that is entirely of its own making.
The writer is a co-founder of the MEAD policy forum, a senior fellow at JPPI, and a former editor-in-chief of The Jerusalem Post. His newest book is While Israel Slept.