The Board of Peace meeting held on February 19 in Washington officially kicked off phase two of President Donald Trump’s 20-point plan. For the first time, there appears to be an operational structure in place, including the appointment of NCAG – the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza, the new Palestinian technocratic government. All relevant parties – including the Palestinian Authority, Arab states, and even Hamas – have agreed to its composition. I know several of its members personally; they are serious, capable professionals worthy of the responsibility entrusted to them.
The Executive Committee acting on behalf of the Board of Peace has also been established, with former Bulgarian foreign minister and former senior UN official Nickolay Mladenov appointed as High Commissioner.
It is troubling, however, that this Executive Committee includes no Palestinian representation. Without Palestinian political agency embedded at the senior decision-making level – especially in the body that holds authority over NCAG – serious questions arise about whether the Gaza technocratic government can genuinely represent Palestinian interests or exercise meaningful independence.
This entire process has taken too long to get underway. During these months of delay, more than 600 Gazans have been killed by Israel, according to reports, most of them not Hamas combatants, including women, children, and the elderly. For Gazans, the war did not end on October 10, 2025. During this time, because there is never a vacuum of control, Hamas has been able to reassert itself over a population that no longer wants to see it.
Even today, Israel occupies and controls 53% of Gaza, while fewer than 10% of Gaza’s residents live there. About two million people are confined to the remaining 47% – without housing, basic infrastructure, adequate food or medicine, or an effective governing authority. In the part of Gaza controlled and occupied by Israel, Israel continues to flatten every building, leaving nothing that could be used for temporary housing or public use.
Following the Washington meeting and commitments totaling $7 billion from Board of Peace member states, plus an additional $10 billion from the United States, NCAG can finally begin its work. Until now, the Palestinian technocratic leadership did not know what resources would be available or when they would arrive. They still do not know how much autonomy they will have in deciding how funds are allocated. They have been informed of their salaries and the wage structure for government employees, but not the scope of their authority.
Three urgent priorities
Three issues are immediately critical:
- NCAG’s entry into Gaza to begin governing in place of Hamas;
- A comprehensive plan for the disarmament of Hamas;
- The start of reconstruction, beginning with temporary housing and basic infrastructure – water, electricity, and sanitation.
Here is where a dangerous conflict of interests emerges. Israel insists that reconstruction cannot begin until Hamas is fully disarmed. Yet continued deprivation – no housing, no services, no improvement in daily life for over two million people – will only undermine the legitimacy of the new Palestinian government before it has a chance to function.
Most Gazans never want to see Hamas again. But rejection of Hamas is not enough. They need a credible alternative, judged daily by one question: Is my life better today than it was yesterday? If the answer is no, the new government will fail before it begins. Hamas has informed mediators that it is prepared to immediately transfer control to NCAG. But NCAG itself is not yet ready to enter Gaza and assume its responsibilities.
Disarmament
There will be no real disarmament of Hamas as long as Israel occupies and controls Gaza. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu says Israel will not redeploy as long as Hamas remains armed. Trump has told Netanyahu that Israel cannot occupy Gaza indefinitely – yet no serious pressure has been applied to compel Israeli withdrawal before disarmament begins.
The reality is simple: Hamas can only be disarmed by Palestinians. No foreign force within the International Stabilization Force (ISF) will be willing to engage Hamas militarily. The only viable path is the gradual deployment of a new Palestinian security force subordinate to the Gaza technocratic government. This will take time and will need to proceed in parallel with the deployment of the ISF.
At the most recent Board of Peace meeting, the following countries formally committed forces: Indonesia (which will provide a significant contingent and the deputy commander), Morocco, Kazakhstan (including medical units), Kosovo, and Albania. In addition, Egypt and Jordan have committed to training Palestinian police units that will operate alongside international forces.
The US has reportedly approached around 70 countries to participate in the stabilization effort in various capacities. So far, however, the number of troop-contributing states – and the scale of forces pledged – falls far short of what is required to stabilize Gaza and assist NCAG in establishing law and order.
If the ISF is also meant to protect Gazans from renewed Israeli military action, it must be large and politically robust enough to deter Israel. That requires greater European participation and – critically – the inclusion of Arab states, particularly Egypt, Jordan, and the UAE.
Israeli withdrawal from Gaza
Netanyahu must understand that phase two is predicated on Israeli withdrawal – first to a new interim line, and ultimately back to the international border. He will resist this, arguing that Israel must retain freedom of military action throughout Gaza. Trump must make clear that once phase two is fully implemented and Hamas disarmament is underway, no Israeli troops should remain inside Gaza.
A security perimeter can be established and enforced without Israeli forces stationed in Gaza itself. A temporary “no-entry zone” on the Palestinian side, enforced for a defined period, would allow Israel to credibly claim that Gaza is no longer occupied, while enabling Hamas to fully decommission its weapons.
End the blockade
The blockade of Gaza must end. If it remains in place, nothing fundamentally changes – and this will not be the last war between Israel and Gaza. The Rafah crossing must become a fully operated two-way crossing and serve as Gaza’s primary commercial gateway, allowing humanitarian aid and construction materials to enter without passing through Israeli control.
Robust security mechanisms must be implemented on the Gaza side, supervised by trusted third parties to prevent smuggling. Israel should no longer be the gatekeeper for everything that enters or leaves Gaza. Israel has the right to veto what happens inside Israel. It does not have the right to veto Gaza’s future.
Don’t forget the West Bank
While attention is focused on Gaza, the situation in the West Bank is deteriorating rapidly. Settler violence – increasingly supported by the IDF and Israeli police – is unrestrained. Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich continues unabated in confiscating Palestinian land, expanding illegal settlements, building segregated roads, and systematically destroying the Palestinian economy.
The explicit goal of Smotrich, Itamar Ben-Gvir, and Netanyahu is to eliminate any future possibility of a Palestinian state. Settlement expansion around Jerusalem, between Jerusalem and Ma’aleh Adumim, and throughout the West Bank is designed to destroy Palestinian territorial contiguity.
This will not bring security. It will only fuel violence – precisely the outcome Smotrich desires. As Washington focuses on Gaza, Israel is pushing the West Bank toward explosion. This will strengthen extremist Palestinian factions and erode any remaining belief in a political solution. It is dangerous – and only Trump has the leverage to stop it.
Trump’s point 19 in his plan stated: “While Gaza re-development advances and when the PA reform program is faithfully carried out, the conditions may finally be in place for a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination and statehood, which we recognize as the aspiration of the Palestinian people.”
Let’s not forget this!
The writer is the Middle East director of the International Communities Organization and the co-head of the Alliance for Two States.